Politica militară a lui Obama

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    … în propriile lui cuvinte. Cât de bine înţelege Barack Hussein Obama lumea în care trăieşte? Foarte puţin, dacă nu cumva deloc.

    În contextul în care Rusia, China şi Iranul urmăresc o reconfigurare a ierarhiei politico-militare a lumii, investind masiv în armată şi sprijinind toate ţările şi entităţile antioccidentale, ţările vest-europene sunt fie slabe, fie dominate politic şi economic de Rusia, iar Islamul se află în plin proces de radicalizare, chiar vrem ca Obama să conducă singura putere din Vest spre autodistrugere?

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    23 COMENTARII

    1. Rusia a anuntat cresterea bugetului militar pentru anul urmator la 47.9 mld. dolari.

      Anul acesta, Rusia a pulverizat armata Georgiei si i-a scufundat toate cele 7 sau 8 nave militare.

      Conform unei comunicari ruse, submarinul gigant Dimitrii Donskoy (171 m lungime, 23.3 m latime si 49800 tone greutate) a fost reechipat cu rachetele balistice Bulava tip SS-NX-30.


      Dimitrii Donskoy

    2. in the meanwhile

      „Elsewhere, Russia’s main stock exchanges were mostly closed Thursday, a day after regulators suspended trading amid a dizzying plummet in share prices. The MICEX resumed limited trading; the RTS is expected to reopen Friday.”

      cu alte cuvinte rusia a gasit momentul potrivit pentru a se reinarma in plina criza economica globala si cu un pret al petrolului in cadere libera – principala sursa de venit.

    3. Dr. Jones:

      Articolele din Ce zic altii sunt postate de emil care primeste si sugestiile celorlalti. Sunt schimbate cam la o saptamana pana in zece zile.

      Din pacate nu am pastrat o „arhiva” cu toate aceste articole…

    4. da.
      aveti o arhiva?
      si ontopic:
      citeam comentariile articolului – si majoritatea americanilor care scriu acolo sunt de parere ca statele unite ar trebui sa isi retraga bazele din europa care sunt platite din banii contribuabilului american si sa lase europa in fata noii rusii.
      ca de stereotipe nu duce lipsa.
      emma, ar trebui sa il citesti. te va mai destinde un pic.

    5. de fapt exact ce vrea sa faca obama.
      de aceea ziceam ca paradoxal, obama care nu e bun pentru europa este cel mai indragit de europeni.
      chiar sunt curios cum „negocia” europa cu rusii daca nu avea spatele asigurat de statele unite.
      cred ca o mai punea de o conferinta si o mica investigatie despre ce se mai intampla la guantanamo.

    6. Si totusi cursa este stransa!

      Un sondaj Reuters-Zogby dat publicitatii pe 17 septembrie spune ca Obama conduce cu 47 la 45% in intentiile de vot americane.

      „Efectul Palin” a determinat o polarizare a intentiilor de vot si o strangere a randurilor atat in tabara democrata cat si in cea republicana.

      Mai sunt 46 de zile pana la alegeri…

    7. schimbarea lui mr. obama nu mai este asa de schimbatoare ca acum cateva luni.
      e de acord cu forarea si nici nu mai e asa de convins despre retragerea masiva si brusca din iraq unde se pare petraeus face o treaba foarte buna.
      95% dintre americani isi doresc trupele acasa, dar nu in orice conditii.
      ar fi un nonsens ca tocmai atunci cand aproape ai castigat lupta sa te declari invins.
      iar media a umflat mereu procentele democratilor.

    8. jones, dimpotriva. in momentul acesta sunt pe deplin destinsa. m-ar incorda sa citesc acele comentarii doar pentru faptul ca – as tinde sa cred ca unii si-au ridicat necontrolat „dozajul halucinogenelor” 🙂 o retragere a bazelor militare din europa este atat de iluzorica precum situatia ( pur ipotetica) prin care america ar capitula maretei idei de dominanta mondiala ( chiar nu mi-ar placea deloc ) .

      este cat se poate de probabil sa fiu inteleasa gresit. daca nu in intregime cel putin partial. nu repet in viitor : eu sunt pentru o „dominanta” americana insa intr-o relatie cordiala cu europenii.

      p.s. regret sa crezi ca te-am „rambolat” ieri cu intentii rele. uneori sunt pur si simplu lejera in exprimare si nu ma formalizez. deci, nu e rau sa fiu privita putin mai diferentiat si ceva mai degajat 🙂

    9. ok emma.

      din cauza faptului ca in rusia nu exista mari jucatori pe piata privata – medvedev se vede obligat acum sa mentina rubla prin infuzii mari de capital. marti a fost inchisa bursa pentru ca investitorii sa nu mai vanda.
      chiar si la deschiderea de maine -brokerii au fost limitati la vanzari pentru a nu se prabusi bursa de la moscova.
      toate aceste infuzii de capital atat in bursa cat si in rubla vin de la buget.
      un buget saracit dupa o scadere vertiginoasa a barilului.
      daca mai incepe si o cursa a inarmarilor…

    10. Da, jones, dar nu stim cat o sa mai cada barilul, iar politica rusiei de reinarmare a inceput de mult, directia fiind cat se poate de clara: rusii vor sa isi traga jucarii noi, problema lor fiind banii. Aceeasi situatie o intalnim si in China, cu observatia ca eu nu stiu ca Republica Populara sa treaca printr-o perioada ceva mai grea. Chinezii se inarmeaza, rusii se inarmeaza, numai tov. Obama vrea sa dezarmeze Statele Unite.

      Cu greu pot sa inteleg ce o fi in capul omului ala. Se comporta de parca ar fi coloana a V-a.

      P.S. Pe undeva mai trebuie sa fie salvata linkurile din stanga. Sa vedem ce zice Emil.

    11. Trei fapte noi pe agenda lui Obama

      1. Agentia Interfax a anuntat ca astazi a fost testata cu succes racheta intercontinentala Bulava care are „capacitatea de a strapunge scutul anti-racheta american”, dupa cum s-a exprimat un reprezentant al ministerului apararii de la Moscova.

      2. La data de 16 septembrie a aparut in Le Figaro un articol de Georges Malbrunot ce trece in revista planurile de atac ale iranienilor contra Statelor Unite in cazul in care Israelul sau SUA ar ataca instalatiile de concentrare a uraniului.


      Atac in banda

      Aceste vedete vor ataca orice nava in stilul „unei bande de lupi”, dupa cum s-a exprimat Ali Shirazi, reprezentantul ayatholahului pe langa Gardienii Revolutiei Islamice. Vedetele rapide vor fi „pilotate de gardieni ai revolutiei fanatizati”, am citat din articolul din Le Figaro si vor ataca in roiuri de cate douazeci orice nava occidentala.

      3. Tony Halpin raporteaza astazi din Moscova ca s-a convenit vanzarea de rachete S-300 catre Iran si Venezuela.

      „Contacts between our countries are continuing and we do not see any reason to suspend them,” Anatoly Isaikin, general director of Rosoboronexport, told Ria-Novosti at an arms fair in South Africa.

      Reports have circulated for some time that Russia is preparing to sell its S-300 surface-to-air missile system to Iran, offering greater protection against a possible US or Israeli attack on the Islamic republic’s nuclear facilities. The missiles have a range of more than 150 kilometres and can intercept jets approaching at low altitudes.

      Ruslan Pukhov, director of the Centre for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies in Moscow, said that it was logical to conclude a lucrative contract with Iran „in the current situation, when the US and the West in general are stubbornly gearing toward a confrontation with Russia”

    12. „During the Great Depression in the 1930s, the U.S. Congress separated commercial banks, which take deposits and make loans, from investment banks, which underwrite and trade securities. The investment banks were allowed to do business with less oversight, while commercial banks operated with tighter supervision.

      But after Congress repealed those laws in 1999, commercial banks began moving in on Wall Street’s turf. As the new competition whittled down profit margins, investment banks used more of their capital to trade securities and also began developing financial derivatives to drive up profits.”

      cu toate ca recenta criza financiara se pare ca isi are radacinile in guvernarea clinton, bush este de blamat si obama creste in sondaje.
      delano chiar a fost un baiat destept. democrat cu vederi republicane.

    13. imperialistu’ dixit:

      „Da, jones, dar nu stim cat o sa mai cada barilul”

      well, nimeni nu se astepta sa sara peste noapte inapoi la 120.
      jubileaza rusii. poate si europenii. chinezii…

    14. An Open Letter to the Obama Administration from Central and Eastern Europe

      by Valdas Adamkus, Martin Butora, Emil Constantinescu, Pavol Demes, Lubos Dobrovsky, Matyas Eorsi, Istvan Gyarmati, Vaclav Havel, Rastislav Kacer, Sandra Kalniete, Karel Schwarzenberg, Michal Kovac, Ivan Krastev, Alexander Kwasniewski, Mart Laar, Kadri Liik, Janos Martonyi. Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Adam Rotfeld, Vaira Vike-Freiberga, Alexandr Vondra, Lech Walesa.

      We have written this letter because, as Central and Eastern European (CEE) intellectuals and former policymakers, we care deeply about the future of the transatlantic relationship as well as the future quality of relations between the United States and the countries of our region. We write in our personal capacity as individuals who are friends and allies of the United States as well as committed Europeans.

      Our nations are deeply indebted to the United States. Many of us know firsthand how important your support for our freedom and independence was during the dark Cold War years. U.S. engagement and support was essential for the success of our democratic transitions after the Iron Curtain fell twenty years ago. Without Washington’s vision and leadership, it is doubtful that we would be in NATO and even the EU today.

      ooops! pai unde sunt demonstratiile alea impotriva scutului antiracheta?
      he he he! ce dor o s-o apuce pe europa dupa bush ala pe care il injura non-stop.

    15. Am citit apelul si imi pare interesant, dar sunt sigur ca va fi ignorat cu totul de catre domnul presedinte Barack Obama. Casa Alba nu are urechi pentru fosti oficiali ai unor state mici din estul european. Trebuie sa privim spre viitor, nu spre trecut. Ce ne poate invata trecutul?

      […]

      Therefore, we propose the following steps:

      First, we are convinced that America needs Europe and that Europe needs the United States as much today as in the past. The United States should reaffirm its vocation as a European power and make clear that it plans to stay fully engaged on the continent even while it faces the pressing challenges in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the wider Middle East, and Asia. For our part we must work at home in our own countries and in Europe more generally to convince our leaders and societies to adopt a more global perspective and be prepared to shoulder more responsibility in partnership with the United States.

      Second, we need a renaissance of NATO as the most important security link between the United States and Europe. It is the only credible hard power security guarantee we have. NATO must reconfirm its core function of collective defense even while we adapt to the new threats of the 21st century. A key factor in our ability to participate in NATO’s expeditionary missions overseas is the belief that we are secure at home. We must therefore correct some self-inflicted wounds from the past. It was a mistake not to commence with proper Article 5 defense planning for new members after NATO was enlarged. NATO needs to make the Alliance’s commitments credible and provide strategic reassurance to all members. This should include contingency planning, prepositioning of forces, equipment, and supplies for reinforcement in our region in case of crisis as originally envisioned in the NATO-Russia Founding Act.

      We should also re-think the working of the NATO-Russia Council and return to the practice where NATO member countries enter into dialogue with Moscow with a coordinated position. When it comes to Russia, our experience has been that a more determined and principled policy toward Moscow will not only strengthen the West’s security but will ultimately lead Moscow to follow a more cooperative policy as well. Furthermore, the more secure we feel inside NATO, the easier it will also be for our countries to reach out to engage Moscow on issues of common interest. That is the dual track approach we need and which should be reflected in the new NATO strategic concept.

      Third, the thorniest issue may well be America’s planned missile-defense installations. Here too, there are different views in the region, including among our publics which are divided. Regardless of the military merits of this scheme and what Washington eventually decides to do, the issue has nevertheless also become — at least in some countries — a symbol of America’s credibility and commitment to the region. How it is handled could have a significant impact on their future transatlantic orientation. The small number of missiles involved cannot be a threat to Russia’s strategic capabilities, and the Kremlin knows this. We should decide the future of the program as allies and based on the strategic plusses and minuses of the different technical and political configurations. The Alliance should not allow the issue to be determined by unfounded Russian opposition. Abandoning the program entirely or involving Russia too deeply in it without consulting Poland or the Czech Republic can undermine the credibility of the United States across the whole region.

      Fourth, we know that NATO alone is not enough. We also want and need more Europe and a better and more strategic U.S.-EU relationship as well. Increasingly our foreign policies are carried out through the European Union – and we support that. We also want a common European foreign and defense policy that is open to close cooperation with the United States. We are the advocates of such a line in the EU. But we need the United States to rethink its attitude toward the EU and engage it much more seriously as a strategic partner. We need to bring NATO and the EU closer together and make them work in tandem. We need common NATO and EU strategies not only toward Russia but on a range of other new strategic challenges.

      Fifth is energy security. The threat to energy supplies can exert an immediate influence on our nations’ political sovereignty also as allies contributing to common decisions in NATO. That is why it must also become a transatlantic priority. Although most of the responsibility for energy security lies within the realm of the EU, the United States also has a role to play. Absent American support, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline would never have been built. Energy security must become an integral part of U.S.-European strategic cooperation. Central and Eastern European countries should lobby harder (and with more unity) inside Europe for diversification of the energy mix, suppliers, and transit routes, as well as for tough legal scrutiny of Russia’s abuse of its monopoly and cartel-like power inside the EU. But American political support on this will play a crucial role. Similarly, the United States can play an important role in solidifying further its support for the Nabucco pipeline, particularly in using its security relationship with the main transit country, Turkey, as well as the North-South interconnector of Central Europe and LNG terminals in our region.

      Sixth, we must not neglect the human factor. Our next generations need to get to know each other, too. We have to cherish and protect the multitude of educational, professional, and other networks and friendships that underpin our friendship and alliance. The U.S. visa regime remains an obstacle in this regard. It is absurd that Poland and Romania — arguably the two biggest and most pro-American states in the CEE region, which are making substantial contributions in Iraq and Afghanistan — have not yet been brought into the visa waiver program. It is incomprehensible that a critic like the French anti-globalization activist Jose Bove does not require a visa for the United States but former Solidarity activist and Nobel Peace prizewinner Lech Walesa does. This issue will be resolved only if it is made a political priority by the President of the United States.

      […]

    16. Cand il aud cum spune ca „those contries are tiny compared to the Soviet Union”, simt ca mi se face rau. 🙂 Cat de putin pricepe omul asta lumea in care traieste!

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